But in its search for a compelling interest, the dissent casually accepts even the most tenuous interests asserted on behalf of the plans, grouping them all under the term integration. See post, at 37. See n.16, infra. And if Seattle School Dist. Indeed, the very school districts that once spurned integration now strive for it. As the Court explained in Rice v. Cayetano, 528 U. S. 495, 517 (2000), [o]ne of the principal reasons race is treated as a forbidden classification is that it demeans the dignity and worth of a person to be judged by ancestry instead of by his or her own merit and essential qualities.. See post, at 37. Third, the plans before us, subjected to rigorous judicial review, are supported by compelling state interests and are narrowly tailored to accomplish those goals. 7045 and 7291 (WD Ky., July 30, 1975) (1975 Judgment and Findings). See ante, at 1820. in No. 2d 854 (Kennedy, J., concurring in part [*2761] and concurring in judgment), "Parents Involved in Community Schools v. Seattle School District No. History should teach greater humility. The distinction ought not to be altogether disregarded, however, when we come to that most sensitive of all racial issues, an attempt by the government to treat whole classes of persons differently based on the governments systematic classification of each individual by race. I cannot rely upon Swanns statement that the use of race-conscious limits is permissible without showing, rather than simply asserting, that the statement represents a constitutional principle firmly rooted in federal and state law. A racial imbalance determination requires the district to submit a plan to correct the racial imbalance, which plan may include mandatory pupil reassignment. 10226e5(a) and (c)(4). By 1984, after several schools had fallen out of compliance with the orders racial percentages due to shifting demographics in the community, the school board revised its desegregation plan. The Constitution abhors classifications based on race, not only because those classifications can harm favored races or are based on illegitimate motives, but also because every time the government places citizens on racial registers and makes race relevant to the provision of burdens or benefits, it demeans us all. Grutter, supra, at 353 (opinion of Thomas, J.). Once those vestiges were eliminated, Jefferson County was on the same footing as any other school district, and its use of race must be justified on other grounds. of Ed., Harris, and Bustop made one thing clear: significant as the difference between de jure and de facto segregation may be to the question of what a school district must do, that distinction is not germane to the question of what a school district may do. Jefferson County has articulated a similar goal, phrasing its interest in terms of educating its students in a racially integrated environment. App. Seattle argues that Parents Involved lacks standing because its current members claimed injuries are not imminent and are too speculative in that, even if the district maintains its current plan and reinstitutes the racial tiebreaker, those members will only be affected if their children seek to enroll in a high school that is oversubscribed and integration positive. 1 C. Schmid & W. McVey, Growth and Distribution of Minority Races in Seattle, Washington, 3, 79 (1964); F. Hanawalt & R. Williams, The History of Desegregation in Seattle Public Schools, 19541981, pp. 1, 551 U.S. 701 (2007) Plaintiff- Parents Involved in Community Schools (non-profit organization led by Kathleen Get started for FREE Continue The Court split 414 on key aspects of the case, with Justice Kennedy writing the swing vote opinion and agreeing with four Justices (Roberts, Scalia, Thomas, and Alito) that the programs used by Seattle and Louisville did not pass constitutional muster (because the districts failed to demonstrate that their plans were sufficiently narrowly tailored), but Kennedy also found, along with four Justices (Breyer, Stevens, Souter, and Ginsburg), that compelling interests exist in avoiding racial isolation and promoting diversity. v. Bakke, 438 U. S. 265 (1978); Adarand, 515 U. S. 200. Nonetheless, in light of Grutter and other precedents, see, e.g., Bakke, 438 U. S., at 290 (opinion of Powell, J. And it is a label that an individual is powerless to change. 2002). 1, supra); Hanawalt 3638, 40; Siqueland 3, 184, Table 4. Once Jefferson County achieved unitary status, it had remedied the constitutional wrong that allowed race-based assignments. That is what is at issue here. This context is not a context that involves the use of race to decide who will receive goods or services that are normally distributed on the basis of merit and which are in short supply. While I join Justice Breyers eloquent and unanswerable dissent in its entirety, it is appropriate to add these words. Compare Brief for Appellees in Davis v. County School Board, O.T. 1952, No. Wash., 2001). The Sixth Circuit affirmed. Code Ann. Id. in No. See Brief for Respondent at 27. The dissents permissive strict scrutiny (which bears more than a passing resemblance to rational-basis review) could invite widespread governmental deployment of racial classifications. Petitioners, an organization of Seattle parents (Parents Involved) and the mother of a Jefferson County student (Joshua), whose children were or could be assigned under the foregoing plans, filed these suits contending, inter alia, that allocating children to different public schools based solely on their race violates the Fourteenth Amendments equal protection guarantee. In order to create a numerical racial balance among its 10 public high schools, the Seattle School District assigned students among them. Further research has shown that the desegregation of schools can help bring adult communities together by reducing segregated housing. These are not affirmative action plans, and hence individualized scrutiny is simply beside the point. If the Primary 1 (Kindergarten) placement does not enhance racial balance, a new application must be completed for Primary 2 (Grade One)). Gratz, supra, at 301 (Ginsburg, J., dissenting); Adarand, supra, at 243 (Stevens, J., dissenting); Carter, When Victims Happen To Be Black, 97 Yale L.J. Hist. at 958. 06AppsChoicesBoardApril2005final.pdf. Under our Constitution the individual, child or adult, can find his own identity, can define her own persona, without state intervention that classifies on the basis of his race or the color of her skin. The District asserts that it helped these schools by allowing students from the schools to attend other schools, furthering the goals of ending racial isolation and promoting equal access. He concluded by saying that the current Court has greatly changed and that previously: "[I]t wasmore faithful to Brown and more respectful of our precedent than it is today. See, e.g., Milliken, 433 U. S., at 280, n.14; Freeman, 503 U. S., at 495496 (Where resegregation is a product not of state action but of private choices, it does not have constitutional implications). If Gratz is to be the measure, the racial classification systems here are a fortiori invalid. As a result, different districtssome acting under court decree, some acting in order to avoid threatened lawsuits, some seeking to comply with federal administrative orders, some acting purely voluntarily, some acting after federal courts had dissolved earlier ordersadopted, modified, and experimented with hosts of different kinds of plans, including race-conscious plans, all with a similar objective: greater racial integration of public schools. The Current Plan, 1999 to the Present. The first sentence in the concluding paragraph of his opinion states: Before Brown, schoolchildren were told where they could and could not go to school based on the color of their skin. Ante, at 40. 14, 1. The Courts holding in Grutter demonstrates that the Court meant what it said, for the Court upheld an elite law schools race-conscious admissions program. Nowhere is this more profoundly true than in the field of education); Tr. The majority ruled that the District had a compelling interest in maintaining racial diversity. And I have found no case that otherwise repudiated this constitutional asymmetry between that which seeks to exclude and that which seeks to include members of minority races. At the conclusion of this review, the board adopted a new plan, called Project Renaissance, that emphasized student choice. I describe those histories at length in order to highlight three important features of these cases. To Harris? In particular, they emphasize that the children on whose high school admissions the case was originally based have since graduated high school, while the children of the other involved parents are not yet at the high school age. In making an assignment to a particular high school, the district would give first preference to a student with a sibling already at the school. The dissent claims that the law requires application here of a standard of review that is not strict in the traditional sense of that word. Post, at 36. See Sheff v. ONeill, 238 Conn. 1, 678 A. of Oral Arg. In 1999, several parents brought a lawsuit in federal court attacking the plans use of racial guidelines at one of the districts magnet schools. See, e.g., J. Wilkinson, From Brown to Bakke 11 (1979) (Everyone understands that Brown v. Board of Education helped deliver the Negro from over three centuries of legal bondage); Black, The Lawfulness of the Segregation Decisions, 69 Yale L.J. See Grutter, 539 U.S. at 329; Gratz, 539 U.S. at 26869. See post, at 37. They asked the court to dissolve the desegregation order and to hold the use of magnet school racial guidelines unconstitutional. If the racial demographics of any school's student body deviated by more than a predetermined number of percentage points from those of Seattle's total student population (approximately 41% white and 59% non-white), the racial tiebreaker went into effect. See Gratz v. Bollinger, 539 U. S. 244, 301 (2003) (Ginsburg, J., dissenting); Adarand Constructors, Inc. v. Peńa, 515 U. S. 200, 243 (1995) (Stevens, J., dissenting). 539 U.S. at 316. However, racial imbalance without intentional state action to separate the races does not amount to segregation. The Chief Justice delivered the opinion of the Court with respect to Parts I, II, IIIA, and IIIC, concluding: 1. Louisville asserts several similar forward-looking interests, Brief for Respondents in No. 36, 7172 (1873)). It gave fourth preference to students who received child care in the neighborhood. [Footnote 22] The dissent argues that todays decision threatens to substitute for present calm a disruptive round of race-related litigation, post, at 2, and claims that todays decision risks serious harm to the law and for the Nation, post, at 65. Meredith brought suit in the Western District of Kentucky, alleging violations of the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. The districts argue that other factors, such as student preferences, affect assignment decisions under their plans, but under each plan when race comes into play, it is decisive by itself. These facts and circumstances help explain why in this context, as to means, the law often leaves legislatures, city councils, school boards, and voters with a broad range of choice, thereby giving different communities the opportunity to try different solutions to common problems and gravitate toward those that prove most successful or seem to them best to suit their individual needs. Comfort v. Lynn School Comm., 418 F.3d 1, 28 (CA1 2005) (Boudin, C.J., concurring) (citing United States v. Lopez, 514 U. S. 549, 581 (1995) (Kennedy, J., concurring)), cert. Or is it that a prior federal court had not adjudicated the matter? No one claims that (the relevant portion of) Louisvilles plan was unlawful in 1996 when Louisville adopted it. The inclusion of minority teachers in the educational process inevitably tends to dispel that illusion whereas their exclusion could only tend to foster it). [Footnote 4]. Even today, two of our wisest federal judges have rejected such a wooden reading of the Equal Protection Clause in the context of school integration. No. There are obvious disincentives for students to transfer to a different school after a full quarter of their high school experience has passed, and the record sheds no light on how transfers to the oversubscribed high schools are handled. And the fact that the state and local governments had relied on statements in this Courts opinions was irrelevant to the Brown Court. All this is true enough in the contexts in which these statements were madegovernment contracting, voting districts, allocation of broadcast licenses, and electing state officersbut when it comes to using race to assign children to schools, history will be heard. But segregation policies did not simply tell schoolchildren where they could and could not go to school based on the color of their skin, ante, at 40 (plurality opinion); they perpetuated a caste system rooted in the institutions of slavery and 80 years of legalized subordination. 05915, at 38. Compare ante, at 39 (It was not the inequality of the facilities but the fact of legally separating children on the basis of race on which the Court relied to find a constitutional violation in 1954), with Juris. I next ask whether the plans before us are narrowly tailored to achieve these compelling objectives. The Washington Supreme Court issued its decision on the same day the U.S. Supreme Court ruled on Grutter v. Bollinger and Gratz v. Bollinger, the seminal cases which addressed the constitutionality of using race in college and law school admissions at the University of Michigan. Here, the context is one in which school districts seek to advance or to maintain racial integration in primary and secondary schools. It was then more faithful to Brown and more respectful of our precedent than it is today. However, the actual hard-won gain in these cases is the elimination of the vestiges of the system of state-enforced racial separation that once existed in Louisville. in No. Whether or not the Court chooses to afford similar deference to public secondary schools will shape the control school districts have over their own policies. Justice Kennedys second concern is directly related to the merits of Seattles plan: Why does Seattles plan group Asian-Americans, Hispanic-Americans, Native-Americans, and African-Americans together, treating all as similar minorities? Then-Justice Rehnquist, in denying emergency relief, stressed that equitable consideration[s] counseled against preliminary relief. See Wygant v. Jackson Board of Education, 476 U. S. 267, 274 (1986); Fullilove v. Klutznick, 448 U. S. 448, 507 (1980). PICS counters that, far from accomplishing these lofty goals, the Districts plan is simply making trivial changes in pigmentation diversity in just a few of the schools that are actually imbalanced. For example, prior to our decision in School Comm. The highest white student population would have been 64 percent, which PICS contends still contains a significant portion of minority students. And the Court repeated this same statement in Grutter. See App. However, the dissenters argued that the Constitution permits such desegregation even though it does not require it. A similar reasoning could be applied in this case. The plans at issue are not overly different from other plans that school districts have used with the express or implicit approval of courts. (a)As part of its burden of proving that racial classifications are narrowly tailored to further compelling interests, the government must establish, in detail, how decisions based on an individual students race are made in a challenged program. See post, at 2829. Is it not of all the activities of government the one which most nearly approaches the hearts and minds of people, the question of the education of their young? And what of the long history and moral vision that the Fourteenth Amendment itself embodies? 540, 541 (2003) (hereinafter Quillian & Campbell); Dawkins & Braddock, The Continuing Significance of Desegregation: School Racial Composition and African American Inclusion in American Society, 63 J. Negro Ed. The statute establishing MSAP permits granting federal grants to magnet programs that seek to decrease minority group isolation. 20 U.S.C. Purportedly benign race-based decisionmaking suffers the same constitutional infirmity as invidious race-based decisionmaking. Similarly, of the 1,461 black students enrolled in the 12 senior high schools in Seattle, 1,151 (or 78.8%) attended 3 senior high schools, and 900 (61.6%) attended a single school, Garfield. The Court deferred to local authorities in making its determination, noting that in inquiring into reasonableness there must necessarily be a large discretion on the part of the legislature. Ibid. The amicus briefs in the cases before us mirror this divergence of opinion. [Footnote 26], What was wrong in 1954 cannot be right today. The Court likewise paid heed to societal practices, local expectations, and practical consequences by looking to the established usages, customs and traditions of the people, and with a view to the promotion of their comfort, and the preservation of the public peace and good order. Ibid. v. Seattle Sch. Hence it is important to consider the potential consequences of the pluralitys approach, as measured against the Constitutions objectives. 2d 358, at 360 (WD Ky. 2000). See also Hanawalt 31; Pub. It used explicitly racial criteria in making these assignments (i.e., it deliberately assigned to the new middle schools black students, not white students, from the black schools and white students, not black students, from the white schools). If the plans survive this strict review, they would survive less exacting review a fortiori. Primary and secondary schools are where the education of this Nations children begins, where each of us begins to absorb those values we carry with us to the end of our days. Strict scrutiny of race-based government decisionmaking is more searching than Chevron-style administrative review for reasonableness. See, e.g., App. See Parts IA and IB, supra, at 618. Our Constitution is color-blind, and neither knows nor tolerates classes among citizens). The District has not met its burden of proving these marginal changes outweigh the cost of subjecting hundreds of students to disparate treatment based solely upon the color of their skin. 377 F.3d, at 984985 (footnote omitted). Consequently, school boards seeking to remedy those societal problems with race-based measures in schools today would have no way to gauge the proper scope of the remedy. To do this as an educational policy is within the broad discretionary powers of school authorities. 402 U. S., at 16. ices Office, District Summaries 19992005, available at With this factual background in mind, I turn to the legal question: Does the United States Constitution prohibit these school boards from using race-conscious criteria in the limited ways at issue here? In 2000, for example, Roosevelt was the most popular first choice high school in Seattle; in 2001, Ballard was the most popular; in 2000, West Seattle was one of the least popular; by 2003, it was one of the more popular. If this interest justifies race-conscious measures today, then logically it will justify race-conscious measures forever. 2002); Brief for Armor etal. Andy was accepted into this selective program but, because of the racial tiebreaker, was denied assignment to Ballard High School. 05908, at1617. Similarly, the fact that Joshua has been granted a transfer does not eliminate the Courts jurisdiction; Jefferson Countys racial guidelines apply at all grade levels and he may again be subject to race-based assignment in middle school.
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